29 September 1564: Robert Becomes Earl of Leicester

Elizabeth I was long known to entertain plans to raise her favourite, Robert Dudley, known as Lord Robert, to the peerage. He could certainly reckon with an earldom; while a dukedom would have universally been seen as an announcement by the queen to marry him.

Robert’s elder brother, Ambrose Dudley, had already received the earldom of Warwick in 1561. This was a sort of restoration after the Dudley family’s downfall of 1553, for the father of Ambrose and Robert, John Dudley, had recieved the earldom of Warwick on the accession of King Edward VI in 1547. Now all what followed was forgotten, and the surviving Dudley children could again bask in the monarch’s favour. Robert’s ennoblement, on the other hand, was entirely due to his very personal and very special relationship with the queen.

Robert Dudley, early 1560s, with his Garter collar

A few months into Elizabeth’s reign, he had received the Garter, alongside such illustrious personages as the Duke of Norfolk, which caused great wonder. Then, in late 1560, there is a story of Elizabeth being about to sign documents to raise Robert to the peerage, when she suddenly had second thoughts and slashed the papers. This was only a few months after his wife Amy’s death at the foot of a staircase, which caused so much scandal.

However, Robert continued to live in expectation of the queen’s hand, or at least a peerage. He got a big step closer in June 1563, when he received the great royal castle of Kenilworth; this could only presage an earldom. On 29 September 1564, the great day arrived; Philip II’s ambassador reported:

On Michaelmas day, with the usual ceremony, here the Queen created Lord Robert, Baron and earl of Leicester which they say is a title usually given to the second sons of the kings of England. There were the usual rejoicings and dancing in the palace on the day in question at which the French ambassador was present, and as he told me when he came to give me a description of the feast, he heard of it two days before when he was with the Queen and invited himself to be present. Cecil had told me this the day before giving me to understand by hints that the ambassador was a friend of Robert’s … and asked me whether I would be present at the feast. I told him that even when I was invited I did not care much for merry makings now, and much less when I invited myself.

At the ceremony at Westminster Robert was made first Baron of Denbigh, and then Earl of Leciester; the queen “hir self helping to put on his ceremoniall, he sitting upon his knees before hir, keping a gravite and discreet behavour”, in the word of the eye-witness Sir James Melville. Melville had travelled from Scotland to sound out Elizabeth’s views on who Mary Queen of Scots should marry; Elizabeth believed she should try Robert Dudley, and it has often been said that she only made Robert an earl so he would be more acceptable to the Scottsih queen. This was not at all true, as Melville himself makes clear: “bot she culd not refrain from putting her hand in his nek to kittle him smylingly, the Frenche ambassadour and I standing besyde hir.”

There survive also the descriptions of the festivities by the heralds of arms, including the banquet afterwards:

and he [Robert] rose up, and went into the Counsell Chamber to dinner, the trumpets sounding before; and at dinner he sate in his kirtle: and their accompanied him the foresayd Ambassador of Fraunce, and the sayde Italian, with diverse other Earles and Lords; and after the second course, Garter, with the other officers of armes, proclaimed the Queenes Majesties style; and after, the style of the sayd Earle; for the which they [the heralds] had fifteene pound, to wit, for his barony five pound, and for his earldome ten pound; and Garter had his gowne of blacke velvet, garded with three gardes of the same, layd on with lace, lined through with blacke taffeta, and garded on the inner side with the same, and on the sleeves 38 paire of aglets gold: ‘Du tresnoble & puissant Seigneur Robert, Conte de Leycestre, Baron de Denbigh, cheviler du tresnoble ordre de la Jarretiere, & grand esquier de la royne nostre Souvreigne.’

Sources:
Simon Adams (2002): Leicester and the Court, p. 321.
Martin Hume (ed.) (1892): Calendar of State Papers Spanish. Vol. I, p. 382.
Melville, James (1877): Memoirs of His Own Life, from the original manuscript, p. 120.
John Nichols (ed.) (1823): The Progresses & Public Processions, etc., of Queen Elizabeth. Vol. I, pp. 190–191.

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Leicester to Burghley, Concerning the Seymours and Lady Russell

In August 1585, Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, was curing his swollen foot at Cornbury Park near Oxford after a fall from his horse. Expecting that the queen would soon nominate him to lead her troops in the Netherlands, he received a long letter from William Cecil, Lord Burghley, Lord Treasurer and the queen’s senior statesman, as well as Robert Dudley’s very old acquaintance.

Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester as Governer-General of the United Provinces, 1586

Burghley effectively complained in his letter that Leicester had supposedly told a certain lady that he did not like Burghley. Leicester had now time to read the letter and compose his reply, which Burghley endorsed, “the Earl of Leicester in answer of my Letter to him; written at Cornbury Park”:

My Lord, I perceive by your Letter, you were doubtful to write; but that you would avoid misconstruction, it pleaseth you rather to write, than be silent. I do thank your Lordship, that you will take that way, wherby those you deal and live withall may rather know what you hear, than to concele what you mislike.

Your Lordship doth say, that you have been many times informed, that I have had misliking of you; but the informers would never bring forth their false proofs, but rather deal doubtfully. I trust, for such informers, I shall need little to stand in answering them. Your own wisdom will easily discharge me; being so well acquainted with the devices and practices of these days, when men go about rather to sow all discord betwixt such as we are, than to do good offices. A matter not strange neither to your Lordship, nor me, since our first acquaintance in service together. And as your Lordship protesteth first your own innocency, so I hope you never yet brought in proof, or so much as in question, any yll dealing on my part against you; but rather yourself affirmeth, you have always found me friendly, and well disposed towards you. And so must I say truly of myself; your Lordship hath not found a more ready friend for you and yours than I have ever been, if you examine all the matters wherein you have at any time employed me; when my credit was somewhat more there, than since it was [Leicester alludes here to his former closeness to Elizabeth, which he feels is now compromised somewhat by his marriage to Lettice Knollys], whether I dealt not very friendly with you, or no.

If now I may refer myself thus to tryal of your own knowledge, then is it as much as I desire for mine own, and your Lordship’s satisfaction. Yet do you remember me of one token more of my good meaning towards you: which is the honest report, I perceive, in your Letter, that your own children do make of me. A token, my Lord, where in good reason should serve for such a man against whom no proof is yet had, and that never did depend upon any, but merely her Majesty: that of like I did it not to flatter them or you. I have little any man’s favour, but to be a friend to a friend. I have always had a mind rather to count myself with worse than I am, than to crave benefit by any man. And thus much may I well say, that I know none able at this day, nor any heretofore, that have don me any plesure, that I have not deserved someways a good turn at his hand. But I shall leave for this matter every man to his own thankfulness; and content myself with such friends and fortunes, as shall please the Lord to send me.

These reasons, my Lord, that are alledged by yourself, and such likewise as are affirmed by me, mythinks, should be sufficient to hold your Lordship from setting any new strange opinion of me, what doubtful informers soever you have had. For I having, as you say, dealt well with yourself and your children, confessing I deal well with them, what sinister way is there then, to draw another construction of me?

Your Lordship must give me leave (though I seem tedious) thus to purge myself, having so just and honest cause to warrant me. For I mean not to seek any excuse by untruth, albeit it were for matter of greater weight than these are.

The first, as seems to me, which hath bred some mistake in your Lordship is, by the information also, that I should mislike with you for matters of the Low Countries, in finding fault of like with coldness, or else want [of diligence] in your dealing that way [Burghley was known to be unenthusiastic in sending an expedition to support the Dutch rebels against Spain]. I must, my Lord, say to this, as I did in the general before, if there be any person that will justify any such matter of my Speeches to charge you in that sort, then you shall see what cause you shall have hereafter to trust informers; otherwise you shall do both yourself and me wrong.

I have dealt, as your Lordship hath heard, perhaps more earnestly in those cases, than a wiser man would, but I trust without just cause given, or prejudice either of you, or any other Counsillor. And for that many times you yourself would tel, not only among us, but to her Majesty, how you were misreported abroad for that matter. I did deal plainly with your Lordship, even in particular, what I thought, and whom I heard, and most doubt of, to hinder those causes, which in my opinion had been reasonable cause, sufficient to have stayed your conceipt therin, without some better proof. But that is not my fault seeing I was not charged: and that without offence and in good friendship you might very well have don it to me, when it was first informed you. I must needs have taken it in very good friendly part [Leicester acknowledges that Burghley is unlikely ever to become an enthusiastic supporter of Leicester’s expedition to the Netherlands, yet is not going to fundamentally oppose it and said so to the queen].

The second thing being more fresh, and delivered to your Lordship by a party of some good credit with you, and yet but a report, will not suffer you to smother up the matter (for so you term it), but to touch it to me; and to refer the answer to me for your better satisfaction. I must needs take this maner of dealing of yours to be very honorable and good. For you tell me both the matter and the party that informed you. To which I will make you a true and just answer.

The very same day I came to London, my Lady Russell came to my house and spake with me touching her daughters causes [Lady Russell (Elizabeth Russell, née Cooke), sister-in-law of William Cecil and daughter-in-law of the recently deceased Earl of Bedford. Recently widowed, as her husband, Bedford’s eldest son had predeceased his father, she was appealing to Leicester to help her in her fight over her daughters’ inheritance]. And upon further talk of friends, and of your Lordship, I said to her (leaving the circumstances of our Speech) that I had cause, all things considered, to make as good reckoning of your friendship, as any other might do. And proceeding further upon this point (my Lady then taking no exception in the world to it, nor to take it in evil part), I did use these words, ‘That albeit there were some Houses did make shew to think you were more their friend than me (and named my Lord of Somerset’s House), yet my Lord of Somerset never shewed more friendship to your Lordship than my Father did.’ [William Cecil had obtained his position on the king’s council in the reign of Edward VI through the Duke of Somerset, then Lord Protector, and his more powerful position of king’s secretary through the Duke of Northumberland, Leicester’s father (after Somerset’s ouster)]. I did not doubt but you did think so yourself.

William Cecil, Baron Burghley, riding his mule in his garden

And, my Lord, I must think, if you do not forget it, that you do conceive so yet. For you do know I lived in that time, and do well remember the course of most doings. I was in no obscure place from the displacing of the Duke of Somerset, till the death of our master, King Edward. And if any man had greater authority at that time to place Counsillors about the King than my Father had, I will yield to my error. But, sure I am, when he had most authority, you were placed Secretary and Counsillor. Then (I refer it to your better remembrance, if your Lordship do not remember, as you write any more), then he was your good friend, that hardly could, either you or any other Counselor, have been then placed, without his special means and allowance.

And more worthy of good remembrance is it; for that this was don for you after some trouble which you had been in for the D. [Duke of Somerset] [Cecil had been placed in the Tower of London in the wake of the Duke of Somerset’s arrest in 1549; he came free as Leicester’s father took over the reigns of power in January 1550]. So I do approve the Speeches used. I thought I had to make as good reckoning of your friendship, as any other, if former deserts of my friend [my father] might require it. For the other Speeches your Lordship doth set down of her report also, that I said, you were not my friend. I assure you upon my word and truth, I spoke them not at all. The former [words] for sundry causes I did, which I mean not here to fall into disputation. You know my case, and can well consider, how all things stand with me. I do not complain of envy, but I may complain justly of disgraces and want of such friends, as I have been myself to others.

Your Lordship doth say, you are weary of your places; and wisheth another to have them, your credit saved. Truly, I know none, that either seeketh them, or that envieth you for them. For mine own part, I will answer faithfully and truly for myself, I more desire my liberty with her Majestie’s favour than any office in England. Besides your Lordship doth know to my poor power, there was no man more forwarded you unto them, than I did [Leicester alludes to his suggestion in 1572 that Burghley become Lord Treasurer, a position first offered to himself]. Thus much have I thought good to answer to those parts of your Letter.

And now, my Lord, if I would ground the like conceits upon tales and presumptions, I might, I think, alledge more just causes of unkindness, than any I yet heard of from you. As for these of my Lady Russel’s only, that she said, I should name you not to be my friend. Which is altogether untrue. The other part you have no cause to mislike of, for ought I conceive. But to enter into any particular causes I will forbear here to reply, til some other time. And your Lordship shall surely do well, having taken this occasion both to review, what former tales have been told you; and that this last report of my Lady Russell doth draw to you a confirmation of the rest. Albeit in your letter in sundry places your own self doth detect them, as doubtful informers; that yet you will, for a further tryal of the troth, b[r]ing some of these tales to question. Which may breed you a far better satisfaction, than otherwise I see I can do. And for the mean time I must, as your Lordship doth say you will do, content myself with this, and more wrong. Not being ignorant that you can, and are able to do both much good and great hurt; but the more good you shall do, the more acceptable must it be both to God and men.

And thus have I troubled your Lordship with a tedious Letter, and will pray to God, that he will give us grace to have minds to do that good we ought, to the glory of his name, and the service of our Sovereign and country. And so committing your Lordship to his holy protection.
From Cornbury Park, this 15th of August 1585. By him that hath given you no other cause but to be his friend,
R. Leycester.

Not unlike Burghley in his letter, Leicester sounds slightly huffed. He will not concede that he has been talking ill of Burghley, nor can he accept that Burghley seriously believed this. In their huffiness, both also pretend that they would like to lay down their public service and retire; there is no need to take this seriously.

It is again obvious how touchy Leicester still was after more than 30 years about the topic of the deadly rivalry between Duke of Somerset and his own father, the Duke of Northumberland. This is the salient point in this lengthy correspondence, and quite surprising.

Source:
John Nichols (ed.) (1823): The Progresses & Public Processions, etc., of Queen Elizabeth. Vol. II, pp. 442-446

continued from:
Burghley to Leicester, Concerning the Seymours

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Burghley to Leicester, Concerning the Seymours

In August 1585, Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, was preparing to embark on an adventure that he had anticipated for nearly a decade: His expedition to lead Elizabeth I’s troops into the Netherlands to fight Spain and help the Dutch rebels. He had always been looking for this opportunity to realize his dream of doing something meaninful in the service of Protestantism.

Elizabeth, though, did not really want him to leave, and she still needed convincing to finally agree to send him as her representative. There were also negotiations going on with Dutch envoys to clarify some points of detail. Meanwhile, Leicester was travelling to his country seat, Kenilworth, in order to await the outcome. On his way, he fell from his horse and needed to rest his leg for a fortnight. Incapacitated as he was, he had time to read the long letter sent to him by William Cecil, Lord Burghley, Elizabeth’s Lord Treasurer and principal minister. Robert Dudley and William Cecil had been in a sense colleagues since the first day of Elizabeth’s reign; but there had also been much rivalry, although both were happy to cooperate smoothly in day-by-day administration:

William Cecil, Lord Burgley, Lord Treasurer, c.1585

My Lord, I have been in diversity of mind, whether I should write, as now I mean, or not. Though writing may be misconstrued, yet silence, sometimes may do more harm. And therefore I adventure to write more briefly, to avoid occasion of much mistaking.

My Lord, I have many times been informed, that your Lordship had misliking of me. But the informers would never commonly make proof thereof, but rather dealt doubtfully with me [i.e. let him in doubt about the details]. On the other part, I know myself without fault, or colour of fault, I also many times found your Lordship friendly disposed to me in many sorts, by your honourable and courteous behaviour and treatment. The like also of late times both my sons constantly do many times report it to me. And the elder within these few days hath told me with great assurance, how favourably your Lordship did use him; and how by other good means of such as know inwardly your Lordship’s mind, he accounteth himself assured of your constant favour [Thomas Cecil, later Earl of Exeter, and his half-brother Robert Cecil, later Earl of Salisbury; Thomas Cecil was to take part in the impending expedition to the Netherlands under Leicester].

Now when your Lordship’s self doth not use me evil to my understanding, as to knowledge of myself, and that my children are so well used; yea, I judge hitherto my daughter of Oxford, who always affirmeth the like of you [Anne Cecil, unhappily married to Edward de Vere, Earl of Oxford]; it may seem strange, that I should not so settle mine opinion constantly to make sure account of your Lordship’s favour upon these short proofs; notwithstanding many tales brought me of late, during the time of the treaty with the Hollanders: noting your Lordship’s misliking of my doubtfulness or coldness therein. Wherein I persuaded myself, that such odd reports were either conjectures of buisy heads or jealous persons for good-will to the cause. But, good my Lord, the freshness of a report, and the credit and good-will of the party will not suffer me to smother up, and touch unto your Lordship, and remit the answer hereof for my better satisfaction, to your own disposition.

Within these two days, a Lady, a widow, your Lordship’s old familiar good friend, and my near ally, was, as she saith, with your Lordship, to entreat you to be favourable unto her, for her self and her two daughters, being by law in bloud heirs to a great man, and of great livelihood: but yet to small or no part thereof. Your Lordship, as she saith, answered her friendly. But that yet you said her friends did not deserve your friendship. And for proof your Lordship named me, not to be your friend, although you and yours had otherwise deserved of me: remembring, that it was the Duke, your Lordship’s father and not the Duke of Somerset, that brought me to be a Counselor; with other such Speeches, which, as she saith, she was very sorry to hear. Whereby she found, that your Lordship was not my friend [Leicester had told the lady that Cecil was being ungrateful as in Edward VI’s reign it was the Duke of Northumberland, not the Duke of Somerset, who made Cecil principal secretary].

Hereupon, my Lord, as I was sorry to perceive it to be true of your own Speech to my good friend [the lady], that your Lordship had so ill opinion of me, to be unfriendly to you; where by desert, of yourself, and my Lord, your father (whom I cannot remember without conceipt of his honourable favours to me), I was otherwise bound; so was I in some part glad to understand the many reports, which I did not before credit, have had some ground from your Lordship’s self.

And thererefore knowing, in the sight of God, mine own innocency of any unhonest actions against your Lordship, or intention, I will quiet my heart, and arm myself against this wrong with patience; as I am sure, no man of my sort hath abiden more this way in hearing evil when I have done well. And so I shall remain to do that good I can, however I am misused. And so will I live by God’s grace. As, for any man’s ill-will, I will not forget my duty, or stain my honesty. And if the places I hold might be bestowed by her Majesty upon any other without condemnation of me for mine honesty, I avow to Almighty God, I would be most glad. And thereby should I be sure to be void of any ill-will, or wrong interpretation of my poor actions. For I know my place, not my deeds, procure me unfriendliness of many. Which I beseech God to remedy. Who keep your good Lordship long, in honour, health, and in his favour.

From the Court at Nonsuch, the 11th of August 1585. Your Lordship as you shall please to have me. W.B.

So, the gossip at court had let to Lord Burghley being somewhat offended, but he was relieved to hear that it originated in Leicester himself. Cecil’s long letter does not reveal who the lady who told him the gossip was; this we will find out in Leicester’s even longer reply. But the letter tells us how much the fraught and ultimately fatal relationship between the dukes of Northumberland and Somerset in the reign of Edward VI still touched Robert Dudley on the raw.

Source:
John Nichols (ed.) (1823): The Progresses & Public Processions, etc., of Queen Elizabeth. Vol. II, pp. 440-442.

continued here

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Even More Blog Housekeeping

Just a note that in the summer of 2022, I was honoured to be part of Claire Ridgway’s Elizabeth I online event. We had an in debth talk via Zoom about Amy Robsart. Meanwhile the event is closed, but it was a wonderful experience.

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Blog Housekeeping

I had the pleasure to be asked some questions about Elizabeth I and Robert Dudley by Jessica Pearce Rotondi, author of What We Inherit: A Secret War And A Family’s Search For Answers. Here is her article on The History Channel’s website.

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An Ox for the Earl of Leicester

The 12th century abbey of Tewkesbury. Photo by Saffron Blaze CC BY-SA 3.0

In 1574, Tewkesbury in Gloucestershire made an extra effort to become an incorporated town, with charter and all. They sent a present to their High Steward, the Earl of Leicester, then at his castle of Kenilworth. The present was “an ox of unusual size”, namely “seventeen hands high, and in length from- head to tail twenty-six hands three inches, and cost £14”, and for it “the whole Town was also levied and gathered”. The previous year, 1573, they had already sent the Earl of Leicester “a cup of silver and gilt”. Being High Steward had its rewards, and such was the cost of becoming incorporated.

Source:
John Nichols (ed.) (1823): The Progresses & Public Processions, etc., of Queen Elizabeth. Vol. I, p. 355

Ruins of Kenilworth Castle, Robert Dudley’s principal seat in the Midlands. Photo by David Williams CC BY-SA 2.0

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“I will put in the names” – Elections, 1584

Parliamentary elections in Elizabethan England were great occasions for what was then called “patronage”. In this higher form of corruption most people believed that if they wanted a post or otherwise further their career, they needed to be on good terms with a patron, someone with lots of influence in society; someone like Cecil or Leicester, or preferably both.

Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, c.1588, holding the Lord Steward’s wand of office

Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, was one of the biggest players, and a few instances of his influence on who would sit in parliament have survived in form of his letters. For example, on 12 October 1584 he wrote to the Burgesses of Andover. The town of Andover in Hampshire was entitled to send two MPs to the Lower House, and Leicester as Steward of Andover was very willing to help with the cost:

Whereas it hath pleased her Majestie to appoint a Parliament to be presentlie called: being Steward of your Towne, I make bould heartile to pray you that you would give me the nomination of one of your Burgesses for the same; and yf, mynding to avoyd the chardges of allowance for the other Burgesse, you meane to name anie that is not of your Towne, yf you will bestow the nomination of the other Burgesse also upon me I will thank you for it, and will both appoynt a sufficient man, and see you discharged of all charges in that behaulfe. And so praying your spedie answere herein, I thus bid you right hartilie farewell.

From the Courte, the 12th of October, 1584.
Your loving frende, R. Leycester.

Yf you will send me your election with a blank, I will put in the names.

(Endorsed)To my very loving friends the Bayliefes, Aldermen, and the rest of the Town of Andover.

Needless to say, the men thus “nominated” or “appointed”, and then duly elected, were to thank their patron by fulfilling his (or sometimes her) wishes.

Source:
John Nichols (ed.) (1823): The Progresses & Public Processions, etc., of Queen Elizabeth. Vol. II, p. 422

Elizabeth I in Parliament, c.1580s

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The Earl of Leicester’s Visit to the Town of Leicester

Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, c.1588, after William Segar

In June 1584, Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, visited the town of Leicester. This sort of visits by great lords were almost little state visits. Leicester wanted to visit his youngest sister, Katherine, Countess of Huntingdon, who resided at Leicester. The Mayor and His Brethren met his lordship – yet, as is noted, they were not clad in scarlett, so presumably they wore only the second best outfit for the earl’s reception. He gave to the poor and to the prisoners of Leicester, as well as to two militia companies, and stayed only one night:

Nota, that the Earle of Leicester came to the Towne of Leicester on Thursday the 18th daie of June, anno supradicto, and then laye at the Erle of Huntingdon’s housse; at which tyme his Sister the Countys of Huntingdon dyd receyve him there.

At this his comynge to Leicester from the bathes oute of Derbyshier, he came into Leicester by the Abbye, upp the Abbye gate, the North gate, and Hie Streete, to the Hie Crosse, where ageynst the schoole-howsse, the Mayor, his bretherene, and the eight and fortye, met his Honor, but not in skarlett. The preysent gyven to hym was, a hoggesheade of clarett wyne, which cost £4. 10s.; and two verie fatt oxen, which cost xx marks.

Also his Honor gave twentie nobles, to be distributed amongest the poore. The number of the poor then was 118 persons; and it came to three-halfpence apiece, and 18d. over, in every ward; and was distributed by Mr. Mayor, Mr. Sparks, and Mr. Johnson preachers, and other of the Aldermen.

Also, out of the same, to the New Hospital, 3s.; the Old Hospital, 5s.; and to the prisoners of the County and Bridewell, 3s.

Also his Honor did geve unto the twoe Companyes, viz. the Twenty-four and Eight and Fortye, to be delyv[er]ed by his seid Sister the Countis of Huntingdon, vi bucks.

Also his Honor staied but one night in Leicester; and was goun of the Fridaye morninge, by fyve of theclocke.

Source:
John Nichols (ed.) (1823). The Progresses & Public Processions, etc., of Queen Elizabeth. Vol. II, p. 421

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Living on The Strand

The Elizabethan aristocracy, when in London, resided on the Strand. If you could afford to live in one of the former bishop’s palaces between the street called The Strand and the bank of the Thames (and rebuild them) you had definitely arrived at the top.

Now (in fact, in 2021) Manolo Guerci has issued a lavishly produced study of those eleven great houses of the Strand between 1550 and 1650: London’s ‘Golden Mile’: The Great Houses of The Strand, 1550-1650 (Yale University Press).

The palaces, none of which survived into the 20th century, and only one (Northumberland House) into the 19th, are from East to West: Essex House, Arundel House, Somerset House, The Savoy, Burghley House, Bedford House, Worcester House, Salisbury House, Durham House, York House, Northumberland House.

Of these, Essex House is the most interesting to the Dudley aficionado. This particular mansion began life as Exeter Inn, a property of the bishops of Exeter. In 1539 it passed to Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk, and then after Norfolk’s downfall in late 1546, to William Paget. It soon became Paget Place, and it bore that name when Robert Dudley acquired it in 1569. Robert bought the palace for £2.500. The Spanish ambassador, Guerau de Spes, who had lived there since the death of Henry Paget in 1568, had to move out.

Robert Dudley apparently helped him with this, so keen was he to move into Paget Place. The ambassador informed King Philip II on 22 June 1569 that

They are going to give me the bishop of Winchester’s house in exchange for the one I now occupy. I am to pay for it, but the Bishop raised some difficulties, although the earl of Leicester wrote to him about it.

It was soon known as Leicester House. The Earl of Leicester (Robert Dudley) had previously lived in other Strand buildings of note. He had passed part of his youth at Durham Place (or House), which his father the Duke of Northumberland had almost wrested from the Lady Elizabeth. On 25 May 1553, this site saw no less than three marriages, the most fateful being that of Guildford Dudley and Lady Jane Grey.

In compensation for Durham Place, Elizabeth received Somerset House, one of the largest and most magnificent palaces on the Strand, with the biggest gardens. Robert was as lucky to become the keeper of Somerset House during Elizabeth’s tenure. Somerset House was then a building site, so Elizabeth may not have resided there often, but Robert (with his wife, Amy) probably did. This arrangement lasted until July 1553, when Robert Dudley, his father, uncle, and brothers were imprisoned in the Tower of London for putting Jane Grey on the throne.

When in London in the years after his release from the Tower in 1554, Robert Dudley lived most probably at Christchurch, a building inherited by his younger brother Henry’s wife, Margaret née Audley (later the second wife of Thomas Howard, 4th Duke of Norfolk). Robert may also have stayed with his uncle, Andrew Dudley, in Holborn Street, Westminster.

With Elizabeth’s accession came more palatial times. The new queen immediately gave her old friend “the old manor” at Kew. Robert resided there (and even on one occasion hosted the queen) until he sold it in about 1563.

Durham Place (or House) returned to Elizabeth’s possession after her accession, and another Spanish ambassador, Bishop Alvaro de la Quadra, lived there between 1559 and his death from the plague in 1563. Later, Robert Dudley also returned to use this Strand palace between 1565 and 1568, until he found a more permanent home at Leicester House.

Leicester House was situated between Arundel House and Temple Church. Henry Fitzalan, 12th Earl of Arundel, who saw himself as a suitor to the queen, had not always been on good terms with Robert Dudley, though their relationship improved dramatically in later years. Arundel died in 1580, and the new owners of Arundel House were the disgraced heirs of the 4th Duke of Norfolk. Philip Howard, 13th Earl of Arundel, suspected of Catholic plotting, had to move into the Tower in 1585, while his uncle Henry Howard (later Earl of Northampton and builder of his own Strand mansion) resided at Arundel House. He maintained a conspirational household there, which would have raised the Earl of Leicester’s hair had he known more about what was going on “next door” to Leicester House.

Further down the Strand was Burghley House, the residence of William Cecil, Lord Burghley, Elizabeth’s chief minister, who maintained a kind of boarding school for young noblemen there. Among the attendants was none other than Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex, by that time Leicester’s stepson, as Leicester had recently married Lettice Knollys, Essex’ mother. At Leicester House all the Essex children had rooms, and their portraits hung there as well. Leicester sometimes would visit the young Essex at Burghley House. According to Leicester’s will, Essex was eventually to inherit Leicester House, which is why it became Essex House, eventually.

In May 1575 Leicester wanted to “make a lytle banquett-house in my garden”, directly at the Thames, so that his guests could enjoy “the river’s open viewing” (in the words of Edmund Spenser who was there). Banqueting houses could be pavilion-like buildings, however Leicester’s was to be of stone and was crenellated, like a castle’s miniature gate-house. He asked Burghley to help him out “with some stone”, and Burgley was happy to oblige.

Part of Wenceslaus Hollar’s 1660s bird’s-eye view of London, with Arundel House and Essex House at the bottom right

Sources:
Manolo Guerci (2021): London’s ‘Golden Mile’: The Great Houses of The Strand, 1550-1650. Yale University Press.
Martin Hume (ed.) (1894): Calendar of State Papers Spain, Vol. II.
John Bossy (1991): Giordano Bruno and the Embassy Affair. Yale University Press.

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My Interview on the Dudley Family

I am very happy to tell you that Jessica Faulkner of TikTok, Youtube, and Twitter (X) interviewed me about the Dudley family, and especially Robert Dudley, on her blog Unholytudor. Please go here …

Posted in Ambrose Dudley, Amy Robsart, Elizabeth I, guest posts, my books, Robert Dudley, Sir Robert Dudley | Leave a comment