Friday, September 29, 2006

Punctuated Equilibrium and the EEA for Human Behavioral Adaptations



AUTHOR: Christopher Ryan

SOURCE: Evolutionary Psychology

COMMENTARY: Allen MacNeill

The following question was asked on the Evolutionary Psychology list:

"...[W]e look to the EEA for the origins of the design of the human mind (modules, and so on) precisely because the structures in question change so slowly. If, on the other hand, it is demonstrated that complex physiological (and, presumably, psychological) structures can arise and disappear in as few as twenty generations, then of what relevance is the EEA to our discussions here?...Does Gould's punctuated equilibria theory integrate such rapid evolutionary change? And is it accepted by the folks working in [evolutionary psychology]? If so, why do we spend so much time discussing adaptations that have likely been replaced long ago?"

To which I replied:

Eldredge and Gould, like the vast majority of other evolutionary biologists (beginning with Darwin and including such luminaries as Ernst Mayr) studied animals almost exclusively. It now appears that the equilibrium/stasis pattern that characterizes macroevolution in animals is at least partly an artifact of their developmental biology. Specifically, the hierarchical control of gene regulation in animals via homeotic genes makes possible surprisingly rapid phenotypic change without correspondingly large changes in genotype (i.e. the old "modern synthesis" has been superceded by the new "evo-devo").

Therefore, it is quite possible (indeed, likely) that relatively slight changes in genetic regulation of development have caused the remarkable changes in hominid phylogeny reflected in the fossil record. This has already been shown to be the case for the FOX-2-P gene, and just last month for the HAR-1-F gene (see "And the winner of the fastest gene award..."), slight changes in both of which have been correlated with significant changes in the human phenotype (both in the direction of greater neoteny, by the way).

So, it is quite possible that humans have changed significantly over the past 40,000 years, and perhaps not just via purely cultural means. It is still an open question just how much of our behavior is affected by our underlying genetics, and how quickly such relationships can change (and under what conditions). And, if new research in epigenetics is any indication, such changes may be even more common and rapid than has been heretofore suspected. Nutrition during early development, chronic stress (including chronic stress in utero), and exposure to certain environmental chemicals have all been implicated in altering gene regulation, and some such alterations have been shown to be heritable (shades of Lamarck!), thereby challenging further the "standard social science model" so vilified by Pinker and other EPers.

Therefore, the EEA for some current "modules" may not date to the Pleistocene, but rather to much later periods, including (but not limited to) events in historical times. Indeed, since relative reproductive success, rather than absolute numerical differences, is the basis for natural selection (and therefore adaptation), it may be that such seemingly cultural processes as warfare, migration (including forced migration via slavery), and religious practices involving both celibacy and increased procreation (via religious prohibition of contraception) may all have played significant roles in the shaping of the human behavioral phenotype via correlated alterations in the expression of genes affecting behavior.

In a nutshell, then, the answer is yes: since humans are animals (like those studied by Eldredge and Gould), it is quite possible that punctuated equilibrium theory is applicable to human evolution, including behavioral evolution, and that further investigations into the relationship between gene regulation, development, and human behavior may yield productive, testable hypotheses about such relationships.

At the risk of blowing my own horn, I have attempted to propose such a hypothesis for the evolution of the capacity for religious experience (see: "The Capacity for Religious Experience is an Evolutionary Adaptation to Warfare"):

"The pan-specific qualities of both religious experience and warfare indicate that they are both evolutionary adaptations. There is considerable variation between individuals with respect to their capacity for religious experience and motivation to participate in warfare. Selective advantages for participation in warfare accrue to both winners and losers as long as the benefits of participation exceed the average costs. These selective advantages, primarily in the form of differential reproductive success, accrue to males when they are on the winning side in a war, and often to females no matter which side they are on."

"Recent work on the evolutionary dynamics of religion have converged on a "standard model" in which religions and the supernatural entities which populate them are treated as epiphenomena of human cognitive processes dealing with the detection of and reaction to agents under conditions of stress, anxiety, and perceived threat. Religious experience at the individual level is characterized by depersonalization, coupled with submission to a super-individual force; the same is essentially the case for participation in warfare. The capacities for both religious experience and participation in warfare are adaptations insofar as they evolve by means of natural selection operating primarily at the level of individuals who are members of groups in which both kin selection and reciprocal altruism are also operative. It is likely that the overall patterns of supernatural organization exist as the result of coevolution between the memetic content of religious beliefs and the underlying neurological matrix within which such beliefs are maintained and transmitted in the context of specific ecological subsistence patterns."

--Allen

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Monday, March 06, 2006

A Theorist on Mass Extinction Is Honored



AUTHOR: Associated Press (news release)

SOURCE: New York Times

COMMENTARY: Allen MacNeill (following the article)

RENO, Nev., March 5 - A geologist who proposed the theory that a comet or asteroid smashed into the Earth and killed off the dinosaurs has won a top research award. The geologist, Walter Alvarez, of the University of California, Berkeley, is the 19th recipient of the Desert Research Institute's silver medallion and its $20,000 prize. He is to accept the award here on Monday.

Dr. Alvarez's nearly two-decade investigation produced an uncommon scientific drama of personal tenacity and ingenuity, said Stephen G. Wells, president of the institute.

"Until the impact theory was finally proven, Dr. Alvarez and his colleagues were regarded as heretics by the 'old guard' in the field of geology," Dr. Wells said.

The theory dates to the 1970's in Italy, where Dr. Alvarez and his colleagues found high levels of the element iridium, which is extremely rare on Earth, but common in comets and asteroids. They theorized that it must have come from the impact of a giant asteroid that sent smoke, dust and iridium into the sky, blocking the sun, lowering the Earth's temperature and eventually killing off plants and many species.

Dr. Alvarez's theory, first published in Science in 1980, had few supporters until scientists found evidence of a huge impact crater on the Yucatan Peninsula of Mexico in 1989. Later studies found evidence of debris from Mexico distributed by tsunamis that went as far as Arkansas.

The Desert Research Institute, established in 1959, is a nonprofit division of the University and Community College System of Nevada.

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COMMENTARY:

Walter Alvarez and his colleagues exemplify what is right with science (and, by comparison, what's wrong with "intelligent design"). They were looking for something (a way to test a theory about deposition of sediments using a "clock" based on infalling space dust) and entirely by accident discovered something else that turned out to be truly revolutionary. They did the difficult field research, published the results in a peer-reviewed journal, responded to their critics with more research and publications, and eventually carried the day. the IDers want the glory without any of the work, and are trying to "prove" a theory without even finding data to support it. That's intellectual masturbation, not revolutionary science.

--Allen

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ORIGINAL PUBLICATION REFERENCE:

Location Online: New York Times
URL: http://www.nytimes.com/2006/03/06/science/06dino.html?_r=1&oref=slogin

Original posting/publication date timestamp:
Published: March 6, 2006

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Friday, February 17, 2006

Early California Was A Killing Field: Research Shatters Utopian Myth, Finds Indians Decimated Birds



AUTHOR: Lee Siegel

SOURCE: University of Utah

COMMENTARY: Allen MacNeill (following article)

"The wild geese and every species of water fowl darkened the surface of every bay ... in flocks of millions.... When disturbed, they arose to fly. The sound of their wings was like that of distant thunder."
--George Yount, California pioneer, at San Francisco Bay in 1833

When explorers and pioneers visited California in the 1700s and early 1800s, they were astonished by the abundance of birds, elk, deer, marine mammals, and other wildlife they encountered. Since then, people assumed such faunal wealth represented California's natural condition -- a product of Native Americans' living in harmony with the wildlife and the land and used it as the baseline for measuring modern environmental damage.

That assumption now is collapsing because University of Utah archaeologist Jack M. Broughton spent seven years -- from 1997 to 2004 -- painstakingly picking through 5,736 bird bones found in an ancient Native American garbage dump on the shores of San Francisco Bay. He determined the species of every bone, or, when that wasn't possible, at least the family, and used the bones to reconstruct a portrait of human bird-hunting behavior spanning 1,900 years.
Broughton concluded that California wasn't always a lush Eden before settlers arrived. Instead, from 2,600 to at least 700 years ago, native people hunted some species to local extinction, and wildlife returned to "fabulous abundances" only after European diseases decimated Indian populations starting in the 1500s.

Broughton's study of bird bones, published in Ornithological Monographs, mirrors earlier research in which he found that fish such as sturgeon, mammals such as elk, and other wildlife also sustained significant population declines at the hands of ancient Indian hunters.

Biologists long assumed that the abundant wildlife in California some 200 years ago had existed for thousands of years -- an assumption "that is ultimately used to make decisions about how to manage and conserve threatened or endangered species," says Broughton, an associate professor of anthropology.

"Since European discovery, California has been viewed by scholars and scientists, as well as the general public -- as a kind of utopia or a land of milk and honey, a super-rich natural environment," he says. "This perception has long colored anthropological research on the state's native peoples. The harvesting methods and strategies of native peoples have been suggested to have promoted the apparent superabundance of wildlife, and have been proposed as models for the management of wilderness areas and national parks today."

Broughton says his study challenges "a common perception about ancient Native Americans as healthy, happy people living in harmony with the environment. That clearly was not always the case. Depending on when and where you look back in time, native peoples were either living in harmony with nature or eating their way through a vast array of large-sized, attractive prey species."

The study may have broader implications. Broughton speculates that "utopian perceptions" of a pristine California teeming with wildlife "probably even influence how Californians view themselves, and how the world views the Golden State. The dream world of Disneyland, the glamor and glimmer of Hollywood, the Baywatch fun-in-the-sun culture -- all of this may trace a link to early historic descriptions of the land that now appear to be worlds apart from pre-European conditions."

Himself a product of sunny California, Broughton grew up in rural Camarillo in the southern part of the state, "collecting butterflies, watching birds, and skinning skunks." While earning bachelor's and master's degrees at California State University, Chico, he studied bones from archaeological sites in California's Sacramento Valley and began to recognize that early natives had a strong impact on elk, deer, and sturgeon -- "anything big and juicy," he says.
For his doctoral dissertation at the University of Washington, Broughton analyzed fish and mammal bones taken from the Emeryville shellmound, an ancient Indian site on the east shore of San Francisco Bay between Oakland and Berkeley.

About 2,600 years ago, California's native people started living on the site and using it to dump residential waste such as shellfish remnants, bones, soil, rocks, ash and charcoal, and artifacts such as stone tools. The mound slowly grew until it was more than 30 feet tall, as long as three football fields, and as wide as the length of one football field. Then, in the 1800s, the top layers were flattened to make way for a dance pavilion, eliminating debris from recent centuries. What was left was a record of refuse containing the kinds of things native Californians hunted and ate from 2,600 to 700 years ago.

Emeryville was the largest of some 425 shellmounds identified along San Francisco Bay by 1900. It was made up of distinct layers, which allowed dating of its bones. In 1902, 1906, and 1924, scientists excavated thousands from the shellmound, recording the layer in which each bone was found. The shellmound then was destroyed by a steam shovel to make way for a paint factory, which was razed in the 1990s and replaced by retail stores. The shellmound bones were stored for decades at the Phoebe Apperson Hearst Museum of Anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley.



After finishing his dissertation on Emeryville mammal and fish bones, Broughton joined the University of Utah faculty in 1995. Two years later, he started examining the Hearst Museum's bird bones from the shellmound, alternating between that project and other research during the next seven years.

Analyzing 5,736 bones was a labor of love for him. "It's fun and relaxing," Broughton says. "It's a real challenge when you've got a broken bird bone and it could be any of 100 species. It may take hours or a day to identify a single bone. So you can imagine the excitement when you finally nail it."

To identify the shellmound bones, Broughton painstakingly compared them with bird bones kept in the University of Utah's Zooarchaeology Laboratory, which includes specimens from numerous sources, ranging from road kill to victims of Alaska's Exxon Valdez oil tanker spill.
Broughton found that the Hearst Museum's bones represented 64 species: 45 species of waterbirds, including ducks, geese, cormorants, and shorebirds; 15 species of raptors such as red-tailed hawks and bald eagles; and two species each from the groups that include grouse and quail, and crows and ravens. In terms of the number of specimens, waterbirds were most abundant, particularly ducks, geese, and cormorants.

By analyzing the relative abundances of the birds, Broughton showed that the bird population diminished throughout the entire 1,900-year period represented by the shellmound. Species with the most significant population reductions were those most attractive to hunters: large birds and birds that lived closer to humans. Among waterfowl, large geese on land and in marshes declined sooner than smaller geese and ducks, but as the supply of large geese waned, an increasing number of small geese and ducks from estuaries were hunted and their bones dumped in the shellmound.

As nearby food sources diminished, native peoples increasingly hunted birds at greater distances--particularly cormorant chicks on island breeding colonies--and depleted their populations. The bones also show increased hunting over time of sea ducks, found only in open water and on the outer coast, as duck populations lessened on land and in marshes. After depleting larger shorebirds -- marbled godwits, long-billed curlews, and whimbrels -- natives then hunted smaller shorebirds such as sandpipers.

Broughton's conclusion that hunting by native peoples depressed bird populations came only after he rejected possible alternative causes, such as changes in prehistoric climate and reductions in bird habitat. For example, the decline in cormorants might have been caused by the climate disruption known as ElNiño . If true, the species most affected should be Brandt's and pelagic cormorants, which depend on food in ocean currents altered by ElNiño. Instead, the population decline was most pronounced in double-crested cormorants, which lived closer to Indian hunters.

Broughton believes the Bay Area harbored a prehistoric native population of 50,000 to 150,000 before Europeans arrived in the 1500s. He believes that birds and other wildlife rebounded only after early European explorers came into contact with natives, infecting them with fatal diseases such as smallpox, malaria, and influenza and killing off as much as 90 percent of the Indian population. As a result, hunting pressure diminished, and by the mid-1800s, geese and ducks "were so abundant you could kill them with a club or stick," he says.

Until Broughton's study, "the general consensus was that pre-European humans living in North America had little or no effect on continental wildlife populations," says a commentary by John Faaborg, editor of Ornithological Monographs and a wildlife biology professor at the University of Missouri-Columbia. Except for "special cases" of ancient natives decimating bird populations on islands -- such as Hawaii 1,000 years ago -- many scientists view "negative effects on bird populations as a modern phenomenon, one that came along with burgeoning populations virtually throughout the globe," he adds.

But now, Faaborg writes, "We need to reconsider our impressions about human impacts on bird populations in the distant past. Jack Broughton makes an excellent case that native peoples living in the San Francisco Bay area harvested enough birds to deplete populations and even cause some local extinction, perhaps as long as 2,000 years ago."

While bird researchers emphasize human-caused environmental damage when discussing modern loss of birds, they often "do not consider that similar processes may have been occurring for thousands of years," Broughton concludes. Although visitors in the 1700s and early 1800s "witnessed an astonishing abundance of wildlife, the region had been characterized by human-induced faunal poverty only decades before and would nearly return to that condition with the wave of human consumers that came with the Gold Rush.

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COMMENTARY:

I was once one of those who believed in the myth of the "noble savages," who had an innate sense of ecological balance and would never act in a way that damaged their environment. As the reference to Rousseau implies, this was indeed a myth, based not on observation nor reality but on philosophical speculation. As recent archaeological and ecological studies have pointed out, the pre-European human populations of North and South America sometimes had severe ecological impacts on their environment. Perhaps the most significant of these was the decimation of the Pleistocene megafauna by the original human migrants from east Asia. As the animations at this website illustrate, there is a direct correlation between the ages of the remains of now-extinct Pleistocene megafauna (horses, camels, ground sloths, and mammoths, among others) and the spread of migrating humans into North America following the opening of the Bering land bridge.

Paul Martin, a professor at the University of Arizona has studied these extinctions for over forth years, and has concluded that humans were largely responsible for the extinctions of many of the species of large mammals and birds noted as having disappeared from the archaeological and paleontological record following the arrival of humans in North America.

More recent studies, such as the one reported in this article, have shown that these extinctions and near-extinctions did not end with the elimination of the North American megafauna. Local and regional extinctions, linked in many cases to human activity, have continued up to the present day throughout the old and new worlds, and especially in the Pacific Islands.

Should we really be surprised at this? I don't think so. Humans are smart, adaptable animals, but in general we have very little foresight. When there were few of us and lots of other animals (and there were many places where few if any people lived), it was quite easy to "live high" for a while on the surplus of the land. When the local animals began to get scarce, our ancestors simply moved on. This pattern of "live it up and leave" existence has been the general rule for most gatherer/hunter societies throughout most of our evolutionary history.

Only recently have we become aware of the downside of this subsistence pattern. This awareness has come, not through philosophical speculation or attention to comforting myths, but rather from the empirical sciences, especially archaeology, paleontology, and ecology (especially paleoecology). It has also come from the simple fact that there is no longer any place to go after we "live it up." When the human population of all of North America was less than the population of North Dakota it was possible to make a good living without making a big killing. We no longer have that option.

--Allen

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ORIGINAL PUBLICATION REFERENCE:

Location Online: University of Utah
URL: http://www.utah.edu/unews/releases/06/feb/birdbones.html

Original posting/publication date timestamp:
Posted: February 13, 2006

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