Post 572.

FROM THE first September strikes against fishing boats in Caribbean waters, it was not a matter of if, but when and how. Those questions have now been answered.

In all this, the world’s surprise at the bombing of Venezuela and kidnapping of President Nicolas Maduro seems, well, surprising.

The lead-up occurred over decades of attempts to control Venezuela’s resources and government, and numerous indicators of all kinds – from think tank, policy, and security documents, failed attempts at installing puppet leaders and seizure of oil tankers to state officials’ statements and warnings.

Additionally, Latin America and the Caribbean have long seen assassinations, invasions, bribery, theft, sanctions, blockades, US supported dictatorships, and endless forms of intervention and destabilisation. Dates and countries are strewn like dominoes being shuffled across the board of the hemisphere: Guatemala (1954); Cuba (1961); British Guiana/Guyana (1961–1964); Brazil (1964); the Dominican Republic (1965); Bolivia (1971); Chile (1973); Argentina (1976); El Salvador (1979–1992); Nicaragua (1981–1990); Grenada (1983); Honduras (1988); Panama (1989); and Haiti (1994).

Indeed, the 20th century began with US occupation of Haiti in 1915 leading to 19 years of rule by US marines. In 1918, Charlemagne Peralte, the Haitian resistance leader, issued a formal declaration of war against the US for its military occupation, violent dispossession of peasants, and atrocities.

In his words, the “cruel and unjust Yankees brought ruin and hopelessness to our territory. Now…before the whole world, the civilized nations took an oath to respect the rights and sovereignty of small nations. We demand the liberation of our territory and all the advantages given to free and independent states by international law.”

Finding ourselves here again, demanding respect for multilateralism and sovereignty, it is as if we had not seen sign after sign of US rejection of a rules-based global order. This is no friend, no ally, no brother’s keeper.

Commentators are making much of a line crossed and the death of a post-WW2 international order, but wasn’t there always a velvet glove around an iron fist?

Interim president Delcy Rodriguez is in a hard-to-win situation navigating US demands, Maduro supporters, generals, political factions, and colectivos. “If she doesn’t do what’s right, she is going to pay a very big price,” threatened Donald Trump, but eventually Venezuelan pride will chaff against Washington running the country and siphoning wealth. Our Venezuelan neighbours are hungry for bread and democracy, but where in the world have celebrations over regime change not eventually turned to protests?

The US has also been obsessed with crushing communist and socialist popular movements alongside making the region open for US capital, and Marco Rubio is gunning for Cuba. Mexico is walking a fine line by co-operating on narco-trafficking, migration, and border security, which are framed as hemispheric threats to the US “homeland” even as President Claudia Sheinbaum continues to emphasise “respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, shared but differentiated responsibility, mutual respect and trust, and co-operation without subordination.”

Caricom is being careful, committing to “the fundamental principles of international law and multilateralism enshrined in the UN Charter, including sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and respect for human dignity” even as individual Caribbean countries affirm relations with both the US and Venezuela.

TT’s government is still talking about transnational crime and strengthening regional security reinforced by rule of law (which law is unclear) even though Trump is talking oil.

This makes us sound like the CIA wrote our statement to the Security Council or we have no clue what is happening geopolitically or we believe we have no possibility of independent voice without retribution or we are worryingly ideologically aligned or we are over-enthusiastically complicit in the hope that Dragon gas field reserves come our way if we behave. All fraught options that betray our region’s Haitian, Bolivarian, Cuban, Nicaraguan, and Grenadian revolutions’ historical dream.

The US economy is in decline, military force is its route to supremacy, and it will use this force to secure beneficial trade deals, enrich its military industry, undermine China’s economic relationships, contain Russia, maintain the petrodollar, and bring Europe and Japan in line.

Our movements, as they always have, must build a world in which collective people’s power can confront one ruled only by self-interest, violence, and greed.

I extend condolences to the people of Venezuela and Cuba as the death toll approaches 80 killed and numerous wounded, and to the family of 45-year-old Colombian Yohana Rodríguez Sierra, a self-employed trader and single mother who has left behind three orphaned children.

Reprinted in Wired868 on January 9, 2025.

Gabrielle: One revolution after another—Caricom and Latin America vs The Donroe Doctine

From the first US strikes against small boats in Caribbean waters in September 2025, military intervention in Venezuela was not a matter of if, but when and how. Those questions have now been answered.

In all this, the world’s surprise at the bombing of Venezuela and kidnapping of president Nicolás Maduro seems, well, surprising.

The lead-up occurred over decades of attempts to control Venezuela’s resources and government, and numerous indicators of all kinds—from think tank, policy, and security documents, failed attempts at installing puppet leaders and seizure of oil tankers to state officials’ statements and warnings.

Additionally, Latin America and the Caribbean have long seen US-supported dictatorships, assassinations, invasions, covert operations, sanctions, blockades, and endless forms of intervention and destabilization.

Dates and countries are strewn like dominoes being shuffled across the board of the hemisphere: Guatemala (1954); Cuba (1961); British Guiana/Guyana (1961–1964); Brazil (1964); the Dominican Republic (1965); Bolivia (1971); Chile (1973); Argentina (1976); El Salvador (1979–1992); Nicaragua (1981–1990); Grenada (1983); Honduras (1988); Panama (1989); and Haiti (1994).

Indeed, the 20th century began with US occupation of Haiti in 1915 leading to 19 years of rule by US Marines. In 1918, Charlemagne Peralte, the Haitian resistance leader, issued a formal declaration of war against the US for its military occupation, violent dispossession of peasants, and atrocities.

In his words, the “cruel and unjust Yankees brought ruin and hopelessness to our territory. Now […] before the whole world, the civilized nations took an oath to respect the rights and sovereignty of small nations.

“We demand the liberation of our territory and all the advantages given to free and independent states by international law.”

Finding ourselves here again, demanding respect for multilateralism and sovereignty, it is as if we had not seen sign after sign of US rejection of a rules-based global order. This is no friend, no ally, no brother’s keeper.

Commentators are making much of a line crossed and the death of a post-WW2 international order, but wasn’t there always a velvet glove around an iron fist?

Interim president, Delcy Rodriguez, is in a hard-to-win situation navigating US demands, Maduro supporters, generals, political factions, and colectivos.

“If she doesn’t do what’s right, she is going to pay a very big price”, threatened Trump—but eventually Venezuelan pride will chaff against Washington running the country and siphoning wealth.

Our Venezuelan neighbours are hungry for bread and democracy, but where in the world have celebrations over regime change not eventually turned to protests?

The US has also been obsessed with crushing communist and socialist popular movements alongside making the region open for US capital, and Marco Rubio is gunning for Cuba, which includes cutting oil shipments to accelerate its people’s socio-economic demise.

In the Caribbean, besides Venezuela, Cuba is the last living inheritor of the renegade fight for freedom that began with Haiti—all are punished today for wanting to determine their own fate.

Mexico is walking a fine line by cooperating on narcotrafficking, migration, and border security, which are framed as hemispheric threats to the US ‘homeland’ even as president Claudia Sheinbaum continues to emphasise “respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, shared but differentiated responsibility, mutual respect and trust, and cooperation without subordination”.

Caricom is being careful. It is committing to “the fundamental principles of international law and multilateralism enshrined in the UN Charter, including sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and respect for human dignity”, even as individual Caribbean countries affirm relations with both the US and Venezuela—for their survival.

The Trinidad and Tobago Government is still talking about transnational drug trafficking and strengthening regional security reinforced by rule of law (which law is unclear) even though Trump is talking oil.

We sounded like the CIA wrote our statement to the UN Security Council. Or we have no clue what is happening geopolitically. Or we believe we have no possibility of independent voice without retribution and are engaged in desperate self-protection.

Or we are worryingly ideologically aligned to a right-wing ‘Donroe’ Doctrine. Or we are over-enthusiastically complicit in the hope that Dragon Gas Field reserves come our way if we behave.

All fraught options that betray our region’s Haitian, Bolivarian, Cuban, Nicaraguan, and Grenadian revolutions’ historical dream.

The US economy is in decline and military force is its route to supremacy. Its strategy is to use this force to secure beneficial trade deals, enrich its military industry, undermine China’s economic relationships, contain Russia, maintain the petrodollar’s centrality, and bring Europe and Japan in line.

What we witnessed is the crushing of a Latin American attempt to route around US colonisation.

Our regional movements, as they always have, must rise again and again to build a world in which collective people’s power can confront one ruled only by self-interest, violence, and greed.

My condolences to the people of Venezuela and Cuba as the death toll approaches 80 killed with numerous wounded.

Condolences too to the family of 45-year-old Colombian Yohana Rodríguez Sierra, a self-employed trader and single mother, whose unconscionable killing—reportedly by a US missile—left three children orphaned.

We are in the shadow of a power that wants all. Our own history of revolution after revolution already tells us where this must lead.

Post 571.

A PEOPLE’S aspirations can never be defeated. This is the lesson of our history.

I’ve written repeatedly about how divided we are in Trinidad and Tobago – by class, geography, race, and more. This did not start today, and it has not been helped by those in government – this, the last, or those before.

This division shows itself in a thousand ways: the abandonment of rural and south Trinidad from necessary infrastructure like access to pipe-borne water, paved roads, and completed schools, despite pleading and protest. It shows itself in statements thrown back and forth – from the racist “go back to Africa” from those believing they live in “UNC country” to those in the PNM who look at Indo-Trinidadian citizens and disparagingly “wonder if we’re living in Bangladesh or Delhi.”

We are separated by numerous systemic and historical superiorities and inequities, and everyone impatiently galleries with the little bit of power they have.

A major challenge is that what some read as racist is often not recognised or affirmed as so or is downplayed by others – though examples abound on all sides in how we debate on social media; in how we weaponise each other’s “government name;” in the eras during which we find our voices and speak out and the eras during which we don’t; and the issues we consider important or not and how we interpret them.

At times, we do not even properly understand what upsets our “other,” and we fail to focus on bridging the experiences, fears, and rhetoric that make us disagree.

Social media has made it worse because we do not have to “live good with each other” online – and typing comments is a terrible substitute for talking, but also because media and blogging culture thrives off clickbait, big reveals, echo chambers, and posts that amplify dismissiveness, disinformation, obfuscation, and a sense of threat, anger, and exclusion.

These are perilous times for public deliberation if we don’t see the urgency of crossing these divides by connecting our common ground.

Caribbean organising which crosses boundaries – bringing us together over shared concerns, whether in relation to women, artists, domestic workers, ecological destruction, agriculture, sports, or peace requires courageous engagement with those whom we consider different and, sometimes, denigrating.

It requires movements born out of the hard work of consensus-building. It requires understanding who we are such that we can see our strengths and common values and counter the modus operandi of those whose bread and butter is stoking what Professor Emerita Rhoda Reddock theorises as a politics of “competing victimhoods” and a world of vastly different and partial grasps of the same reality.

Indeed, who are we?

We are the thousands who sell in our markets each week, carrying what we have grown across the region by boat, and commonly believing that “everybody have to eat,” in putting a little extra, and in building social relationships out of economic transactions. The same people, excluded from banking, who found ways to save using sou sou hands; grounding a grassroots practice built on trust, mutuality, and shared betterment as a local ethos.

We are indigenous communities – from the Amerindians in Guyana to the Maroons of Suriname to the Garifuna of St Vincent, the Kalinago of Dominica, the Maya of Belize, and Trinidad’s First Peoples – who believe in collectivism, communal land, co-operatives, and models that counter individualism and disconnection.

We are people who believe in the arts as sites of collective and home-grown spirituality, skill, and transcendence – whether pan, tassa, dance, literature, theatre, oral traditions, and traditional forms of commemoration, masquerade and celebration that bring multi-ethnic histories to culture, sharing it so generously across our territories.

We are people who believe in care for others, as witnessed by the thousands of citizens who contribute to food, healthcare, homes, counselling and much more to those in need – whether locally amid floods or everyday poverty, or in Dominica, Cuba, Jamaica, or Haiti following disasters.

We aspire to peace. We aspire to treat each other with dignity. We aspire to regionality. We aspire to justice. In the face of political elites, multinational corporations, and Monroe Doctrine militarism, we aspire to self-determination.

We can fight each other or mediate a unity that exists around what we value and all to which we aspire. Even as no one can take these aspirations from us, no one will do the work for us, not governments, politicians, militaries, or foreign powers.

Take a breath. Find your best self. Understand well what we most must do.

A PEOPLE’S aspirations can never be defeated

Reprinted version in the Stabroek News December 31, 2025.
Dr. Gabrielle Jamela Hosein is a Caribbean feminist writer and activist. She is Senior Lecturer at the Institute for Gender and Development Studies, The University of the West Indies, St. Augustine. Her blog, Diary of a Mothering Worker, has been published as a newspaper column since 2012.

A PEOPLE’S aspirations can never be defeated. This is the lesson of our history.

I started with aspirations here to articulate my own position about regional relations within CARICOM. Regardless of what governments do, an aspiration to regionality is the tidalectics of the Caribbean – we value our connectedness whether in relation to families with one ancestor from here and another from there, agricultural trade, culture and music, intra-regional migration, cricket, and much more. That aspiration is resilient regardless of what one government might say, and it is rooted in people, in us, not in the relationships among states – even as formal agreements are important recognition of that sentiment.

Looking at my own local context, I’ve written repeatedly about how divided we are in Trinidad and Tobago – by class, geography, race, and more. This did not start today, and it has not been helped by those in government – this, the last, or those before. 

This division shows itself in a thousand ways: the abandonment of rural and south Trinidad when it comes to necessary infrastructure like access to pipe-borne water, paved roads, and completed schools, despite pleading and protest. It shows itself in statements thrown back and forth – from the racist “go back to Africa” from those believing they live in “UNC country” to those in the PNM who look at Indo-Trinidadian citizens and disparagingly “wonder if we’re living in Bangladesh or Delhi.”

We are separated by numerous systemic and historical superiorities and inequities, and everyone impatiently galleries with the little bit of power they have.

A major challenge is that what some read as racist is often not recognised or affirmed as so or is downplayed by others – though examples abound on all sides in how we debate on social media; in how we weaponise each other’s “government name;” in the eras during which we find our voices and speak out and the eras during which we don’t; and the issues we consider important or not and how we interpret them.

At times, we do not even properly understand what upsets our “other,” and we fail to focus on bridging the experiences, fears, and rhetoric that make us disagree.

Social media has made it worse because we do not have to “live good with each other” online – and typing comments is a terrible substitute for talking, but also because media and blogging culture thrives off clickbait, big reveals, echo chambers, and posts that amplify dismissiveness, disinformation, obfuscation, and a sense of threat, anger, and exclusion.

In this way, social media can be informative and populist but it is dangerous because it is inflammatory – its currency is likes, its goal its own influence and it trends to the hyperbolic, disingenuous, partisan, and divisive – making such problematic framing as normal as morning coffee.

Unfortunately, this is the language of our time, and it feeds its own media culture in the comments it provokes and allows. It is not concerned with community, consensus, or bridging divides. Thus, in this time of quick opinion and throwing words, everyone is talking and nobody is listening. People are saying things true and untrue, and it is too much to counter the social erosion before stories, posts and feeds have moved on.

I worry that activists who come of age in this keyboard era can therefore miss the necessity of hearing their ‘other’, fail to value what it takes to reach beyond their choir, and then wonder why their movements comprise so few or are so misunderstood or are not capable of unifying.

There is a social media modus operandi of anger and attack in which media attention does not have the skill set to heal or unite beyond a clique. All of this is understandable and exacerbated in a society like ours where everyone feels wounded in some way by the wielding of power.

Traditionally, women’s work – in families, communities, and in the Caribbean feminist movement – has been to bring a different ethos, to hold together, to forge alliances – this work is often fraught even as it is collaborative, but it is a model of nurturing our societies’ best qualities.

These are perilous times for public deliberation, as perhaps they have always been, if we don’t see the urgency of crossing these divides by connecting our common ground.

Caribbean organising which crosses boundaries – bringing us together over shared concerns, whether in relation to women, artists, domestic workers, ecological destruction, agriculture, sports, or peace, requires courageous engagement with those whom we consider different and, sometimes, denigrating.

It requires movements born out of the hard work of consensus-building. It requires understanding who we are such that we can see our strengths and common values and counter the modus operandi of those whose bread and butter is stoking what Professor Emerita Rhoda Reddock theorises as a politics of “competing victimhoods” and a world of vastly different and partial grasps of the same reality.

Indeed, who are we?

We are the thousands who sell in our markets each week, carrying what we have grown across the region by boat, and commonly believing that “everybody have to eat,” in putting a little extra, and in building social relationships out of economic transactions. The same people, excluded from banking, who found ways to save using sou sou hands; grounding a grassroots practice built on trust, mutuality, and shared betterment as a local ethos.

We are indigenous communities – from the Amerindians in Guyana to the Maroons of Suriname to the Garifuna of St Vincent, the Kalinago of Dominica, the Maya of Belize, and Trinidad’s First Peoples – who believe in collectivism, communal land, co-operatives, and models that counter individualism and disconnection.

We are people who believe in the arts as sites of collective and home-grown spirituality, skill, and transcendence – whether pan, tassa, dance, literature, theatre, oral traditions, and traditional forms of commemoration, masquerade and celebration that bring multi-ethnic histories to culture, sharing it so generously across our territories.

We are people who believe in care for others, as witnessed by the thousands of citizens who contribute to food, healthcare, homes, counselling and much more to those in need – whether locally amid floods or everyday poverty, or in Dominica, Cuba, Jamaica, or Haiti following disasters.

We aspire to peace. We aspire to treat each other with dignity. We aspire to regionality. We aspire to justice. In the face of political elites, multinational corporations, and Monroe Doctrine militarism, we aspire to self-determination.

We can fight each other or mediate a unity that exists around what we value and all to which we aspire. Even as no one can take these aspirations from us, no one will do the work for us, not governments, politicians, militaries, or foreign powers.

We must resist governments and partisan commentators that do not share our highest values, but we must also beware of how toxic this sphere of public deliberation can be.

Our instincts therefore should be toward also putting our energies to countering all that makes us vote different to how we party. We should be strengthening our strengths as they connect diverse communities. We should be amplifying our multi-ethnic investments in collectivism as an ethos. We should be expanding agreement on our aspirations on the ground. We must be the ones to cross divides and not give in to insult as a form of engagement that is the metanarrative of the moment. We can critique, with dignity. Sometimes, we must get off social media and speak directly with each other. We must actively remember our commonalities.

To remain our best self is our most precious ethical foundation for our aspirations for country, for region, for the world.

So, take a breath. Find your best self. Understand well what we most must do.

Post 570.

IN THE middle of 16 Days of Activism to End Gender Based Violence, and just hours before I wrote these words on December 8, Angel Lutchman, 43, was reportedly murdered by Shazard Mohammed, who was just 29 years old, leaving her two children without their mother, even though she obtained a restraining order against him two weeks ago. Newsday reported that their relationship lasted for only about a year and included repeated and known abuse.

On November 23, 36-year-old Romona Victor was found beaten to death alongside the suicide of her partner and alleged killer Rodney Ramsumair. On November 18, Avanelle Abraham, 38 years old and mother to a son, is believed to have been flung from a vehicle before being shot in the head. Her family did not believe it to be a robbery, urging “young women to be cautious and pay attention to the people around them all the time.”

Between these two femicides, on November 30, a 25-year-old South Oropouche woman was allegedly kidnapped and raped by her ex-partner and children’s father who also physically assaulted her. And on November 11, a 24-year-old woman was raped by her ex-boyfriend following her decision to end a ten-month relationship. This violation included instruction to someone on the other end of a call to harm her father at the same time as she was being sexually assaulted.

These stories in less than a month are just part of the estimated 840 million women globally who have experienced male partner or male sexual violence in their lifetime with painfully slow progress to reduce such violence.

They are hardly the only stories of men’s murders, sexual assaults, and physical assaults of women – whether as part of home robbery or take place at a bar or because they began to communicate online or were promised help with school supplies for their children or just on their way to work. Indeed, the press reported that a 17-year-old girl was abducted and raped by a PH taxi driver on her way to school on November 21.

Story after story confirms that living in Trinidad and being in heterosexual relationships or just being a woman can be a gruesome reality – neither private nor public spaces are safe.

The newspaper reports over 2025 are horrific – women discovered in shallow graves, in a drain, in their homes, in bushes, and on the side of the road – with Trinidad being described in terms of a “bloodbath” of women in February this year; a bloodbath that has not yet ended.

I’ve written about such violence repeatedly over the years – offering analyses and recommendations. At times like this, I write just to say these women’s names and to affirm the tragedy of losing them to men who took their lives away.

Action is being undertaken everywhere – police training, national action plans, marches, panel discussions, victim support, shelters, workshops, and speeches, but is any of it transforming those men likely to rape and kill women?

Women are imprisoned in a world of men who do what they will with women when they choose, regardless of who or where women are, as if they are nothing. The problem is not all men, but that any man could at any time decide he is one of them.

Prevention is necessary. Co-ordinated social and psychological services are vital. Effective state protection is a must. Yet, simply put, men must stop. Stop killing women. Stop raping them. This is what it means to make the world safer for women.

What is men’s responsibility for themselves and other men? Why are men not leading the movement to end such extreme and continuous violence? How does making this a “women’s issue” stop us from seeing this as a problem of harmful masculinity – a problem created by belief in men’s rightful power over women. Where are all the men’s voices whom we should be hearing?

Men are less likely to be violent to women when it is not tolerated by other men and when men take responsibility for tackling the issues men face, whether hurt, jealousy, anger, low self-esteem or mental health and substance abuse challenges.

However, change is not possible without also refusing to excuse men’s disregard for women’s pain, and their willingness to control through harm. Men will not do better unless men do more. Surely, this is not asking too much when the newspapers are littered with the stories of women whose bodies and lost lives show us just how much is at stake.

Post 569.

BORN AUGUST 18, 1965, television and film producer, director and writer Danielle Dieffenthaller’s accolades are everywhere.

Danielle began her career at TTT in News and then in the Drama Production Department. Her early years were as a production assistant for No Boundaries. While at the production house Banyan Ltd, she was half of the only crew to record footage during the 1990 attempted coup.

She was the brilliance behind the legendary hundred-episode, six-season series Westwood Park (1997-2004). She pioneered the environmental series, Ecowatch, and early iconic music videos for Machel Montano and Xtatik’s Big Truck and 3 Canal’s Blue, plus a long list of local and regional programmes. Under her production company, Diefferent Style Flims, Danielle developed, co-wrote, produced and directed the one-season but popular soap opera, The Reef.

She started careers in the creative sector, providing opportunities and a sense of possibility. Bocas Lit Fest recognised the “patience, care, and passion” that defined her workshops in their youth programme. Beyond that, endless people describe her generosity in sharing her experience with writing proposals, getting investors and grant funding, finding distributors, and sourcing film crew.

In 2019, she was recognised as the Arts and Letters Laureate of the Anthony N Sabga Caribbean Awards for Excellence for her contributions to the region’s film industry.

In a 2018 interview, she talked about her vision for the eight-part television series, Plain Sight. She dreamed of “putting a face and soul to people whether they are villains or heroes,” to help us understand each other. She believed in telling our stories with fearless honesty. She wanted film in Trinidad and Tobago to be all that we were capable of and deserved – all that we need.

There is all this and more to know of her work and dreams, but there is also Danielle, my friend, who loved the bush and hiking, who loved rivers and waterfalls, who loved a sea bath, and who would readily jump in her jeep and drive to the ends of TT with her daughter and son, Xica and Maximillian, as her closest companions. From Los Iros to Castara, the woman loved an adventure.

She was one of those bustling about backstage at Lilliput Children’s Theatre shows, ever-present with her children. She loved Jouvay (J’Ouvert), and brought Xica and Max with her on the road as she played in 3 Canal, knowing that they were entirely surrounded by a community which would keep them safe as she showed them the TT that mattered to her. Just as much, she loved Phagwa, and would head down to the Hindu Prachar Kendra, carrying her children with her for one life experience after another. She was a fierce mother and we all knew they were her everything.

Dani was no woman to go peacefully into any night. She could tell an uproarious story. She was tough as a battle axe and feisty with cuss. And there was a lot to cuss about – from the “torture” of these past seven years to the lack of funding to finish her long-dreamed series. Incredibly generous, she loved her friends and community. And she was well loved. Indeed, over the last years, her community of nightingale warrior women and her children, and family support, was life itself.

Danielle was diagnosed with renal failure in 2018 and, later, faced related health challenges. She undertook dialysis while hoping for a kidney transplant through the public healthcare system.

The Ministry of Health has a National Organ Transplant Unit (NOTU), but Dani suffered from delays, setbacks, and lack of supplies even when she found donors. She, like others who might have still been with us today, would have benefited from, at the very least, a nationwide deceased donor transplant list which assumes that people consent to having their organs donated after their death unless they or their family say otherwise, or includes their consent on driver’s licences and ID cards. A national campaign to get buy-in and to ensure the unit and its doctors do better at saving more lives would honour her more than accolades.

The last time we met, a week earlier than her passing on Saturday, November 22, we remembered some of our favourite adventures – Balandra, Toco, Grand Rivere, Matura, Paria, Covinge, Madamas, Tompire, Las Cuevas, and Yarra.

All the times that I miss her, I will imagine her bold spirit in such beloved places, full of the bliss she found in their salt, sunlight, wind, and water.

Post 568.

ON SUNDAY, about 200 souls found themselves in Woodford Square to support the ideal of the Caribbean as a “zone of peace.”

Mostly, the message from the Warao Peoples, the Rastafarian community, Hindus, Muslims, Indians, Africans, and civil society groups was an affirmation of the unifying spirit of peace and love.

Sunday’s main concern was the amassing of excessive US military power in the Caribbean, and the historically unprecedented and extrajudicial way that its firepower is being wielded.

Such a stance may be labelled as anti-government or lacking in strategy. I agree that people who never said a word for ten years are suddenly critics, and multiple political agendas and limited effectiveness may indeed be part of citizen gathering, but can anyone really oppose those saying “no” to war and “yes” to peace?

From the comment section on social media, apparently so: “Where are the vigils for crime and protests for high food prices in TT?”; “How much money they got paid by the PNM?”; “So saying yes to human trafficking, narcotics and illegal guns is okay?! Coz that’s what all who are gathered there are agreeing to!!!!!!”

There is clearly a population that believes the US missile-killings will end human-, illegal gun- and narco-trafficking. This is not possible unless, at the very least, US drones and missiles become deeply embedded in our national security and coast guard apparatus over a long term. Maybe that’s what is happening.

The prime minister’s description of Sunday’s gathering as a “dismal failure” also reflects the effectiveness of divisiveness in public discourse. Our vulnerability to this signals a society that is not listening to or even understanding each other, has very different understandings of the current moment, and engages through misrecognition, stereotype, and insult. Social media shows that this is where our deepest problems might lie.

That said, all governments are loath to affirm protests, and actively dismiss and discourage them. To have recognised any call for peace as “successful” would have meant acknowledging its validity, and that would be tricky given TT’s alliance with the US’s pro-killing approach. However, the PM also missed the chance to “take win.”

Under Patrick Manning, a maxi of police in full riot gear would regularly descend on peaceful citizen gatherings. None of this happened on Sunday despite the state of emergency. A savvy communication strategy would have highlighted this unless the savvy communication strategy is to demean dissenters and entrench sides.

It is possible that many of the citizens present on Sunday sincerely hope that the UNC would be better than the PNM, which is not hard, and that “Kamla” – with her campaign of care and love – would be better than “Rowley,” who was known to berate and insult citizens.

Being politically astute about maintaining landslide support, the PM might therefore have affirmed all citizens’ right to participate in public life. In a strong democracy, we can peacefully disagree. Avoiding insult would have in no way undermined her authority over foreign policy.

History, however, is on the side of those championing peace.

In 1979, co-sponsored by Grenada, an Organization of American States (OAS) resolution called on all states to recognise the Caribbean as a zone of peace. It expressed deep concern over increases in military activity in the region, rejected the Caribbean being subordinated to the interests or influence of any power, and supported ideological pluralism and peaceful co-existence.

Over time, Caribbean countries affirmed that they would not be a base for intimidating their neighbours (like Cuba). In the words of Barbados PM Errol Barrow in 1986, “I do not believe that size is necessarily the only criterion for determining these matters. It is important to let people know where you stand…in what is a moral commitment to peace in our region.”

In 2014, the Zone of Peace Declaration was unanimously adopted in Cuba and included Latin America and the Caribbean, recognising that “peace is a supreme asset and a legitimate aspiration of all peoples.” The Honourable Kamla Persad-Bissessar was the nation’s representative to this commitment to “uproot forever” the threat or use of force in our region, not intervene in the affairs of another state, and respect the principles of national sovereignty.

Today, the PM argues that US militarism is the fix to our violence. Citizens, meanwhile, have a right to oppose escalating normalisation of weapons of war. It is no dismal failure to express a moral commitment to peace. This principle is not more or less valid because we – crowd or region – are small in size.

Post 567.

WHEN PURSUING foreign policy, the US seeks co-operation in the way that a bandit breaks into your house, puts a gun to your head, and tells you that you have a choice. So Trinidad and Tobago found itself in the middle of global geopolitics today.

At the time of writing on Tuesday, October 28, 9 am, Venezuela has announced it will suspend and withdraw from gas agreements with TT. Except for Guyana, from which it aspires to annex the oil-rich Essequibo region, it has a history of generous relations with the Caribbean. Rightly, it has accused the TT government of “a hostile stance motivated by a desire to seize Venezuelan oil and gas resources.”

Few understand what Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar is thinking. This is because the UNC, now in government, has failed to develop a professional and timely communication modus operandi attuned to public sentiment. A PNM-biased rumour mill also escalated since the election, filling this gap, and fomenting racialised distrust of, in columnist Tony Fraser’s words, “Indo-Trinidad taking over.”

In allowing panic to develop in the absence of official explanation, the Prime Minister has lost her unifying connection with and leadership of a divided nation. Indeed, declaring that we do not need Venezuelan gas seems a loss of reality, like other right-wing statements for which the PM bears personal responsibility.

The world has seen President Trump impose tariffs and other punishments overnight, raining blows like thieves about to ransack your house. The latest are the threats of 25 per cent and 50 per cent tariffs, and sanctions, aid withdrawal, and visa revocations and bans nearly imposed on Colombia because President Gustavo Petro stood up to the US regarding deportations. He didn’t say Colombia wouldn’t receive returnees, just that they should be returned “with dignity and respect.” He has also been publicly critical of Trump, US support for Israel’s genocide of Palestinians, and US propaganda regarding “narco-terrorism” – calling the obliteration of 14 small boats, allegedly with drug traffickers onboard, war crimes.

Could TT withstand such blows? One imagines that the TT Prime Minister was also promised access to Venezuela’s resources under a US-backed Maria Machado regime, and multifaceted US support for reducing drug- and gang-related crime – revitalising the country’s tanked economy and reducing Trinidad’s runaway murder rate. Both would have been political wins. But it’s been a gamble in which we have no aces, problematic principles, and questionable strategy.

The TT PM began by backing US defence of Guyana (well, Exxon) in its territorial dispute with Venezuela, but then lost some of the plot when, whether to show ideological loyalty or out of public sentiment miscalculation, she approved of the US military killing all traffickers “violently,” supporting extra-judicial murder and unilateral violation of international law. The public became increasingly worried and incensed over these killings.

The region is rightly hostile to militarisation of our sea, including with the largest warship in the world representing the menace of “gunboat diplomacy.” We have fearlessly identified the US agenda for Venezuela as violent colonisation, akin to Columbus’ invasion 500 years ago and resting on the 1823 Monroe Doctrine which established a policy of Yankee imperialism over Latin America and the Caribbean – with disastrous consequences for Haiti, Guyana, Cuba, Chile, Grenada, Nicaragua, and more.

Caribbean countries have long-standing security co-operation with US agencies, so the Pentagon’s agenda is constantly being rolled out with Caricom support. This full-scale military confrontation, however, is unprecedented.

Citing TT’s security challenges which prevent realisation of this ideal, the PM broke ranks with Caricom leaders calling for the region to remain a zone of peace. This is a politically, historically, and emotionally compelling aspiration, introduced by revolutionary Grenada, and adopted by the General Assembly of the Organization of American States on October 31, 1979.

Venezuela’s resources, exports, and location make it a strategic ally for China. This grab is part of a hemispheric and global strategy of Chinese containment. Despite repeated assurances that TT does not support any attempt by the US to destabilise Venezuela or seek regime change, and maintains peaceful relations, this simply does not ring true.

We are the Caribbean base for unprovoked warmongering to secure absentee ownership of a sovereign nation, and an escalated assembling of the Americas around US supremacy – with Haiti and Cuba on the radar.

Peace is critical to our region. Every day Caribbean people’s dream of everlasting peace remains a foundation for all that is right and just. Where we have a choice to defend it from threat, however we can, we must.

Post 566.

BUDGET 2025 is the first to mention period poverty. This is historic. It is the result of global and local feminist activism to frame menstruation as a public health, human rights, and gender equity issue.

Even menstrual pad and tampon advertisements have changed in the last decade, acknowledging the normality of human bodies bleeding monthly. Instead of sterile blues, increasingly, corporate marketing began symbolically associating red with empowerment, freedom, confidence, and even sisterhood.

Yet, as Finance Minister Davendranath Tancoo acknowledged, period poverty undermines the health and educational opportunities of those who cannot afford menstrual hygiene products, and therefore do not have equitable access to such modern feelings and experiences of empowerment and confidence when, for example, attending school or playing sports.

Recognising this, St Lucia is one of the few Caribbean countries ahead of us in allocating US$250,000 for students struggling to afford feminine hygiene products.

In his October 13 presentation, the finance minister proposed establishing a Women’s Health Fund with seed capital of $5 million, to be sustained through tax-incentivised individual and corporate contributions.

This fund will be used to launch a pilot programme to provide distribution of free menstrual kits in educational institutions. He included providing education and sensitisation on menstrual health for various groups – including men and boys – to foster inclusivity and dismantle stigma.

These are all the right words.

In 2001, VAT was removed on pads and tampons. Like VAT-free food, these are basic necessities for approximately half of the population. Taxing them is sex-based discrimination, which intersects with class to more negatively impact people who menstruate in low-income contexts.

However, period poverty refers to more than the cost of menstrual health products. It also refers to an underserved need for menstrual health education, and safe and accessible sanitation and hygiene facilities – meaning clean water, toilets with toilet paper, and disposal containers as well as privacy, dignity, and freedom from stigma.

Such issues also affect those impacted by disasters, such as flooding. We’ve learned that the spectrum of experiences related to sexual and reproductive health and rights should be incorporated into disaster management. Here’s where the fund might also be helpful – mainstreaming period poverty as a budget and policy issue, not one of charity.

Addressing period poverty also means having a robust health and family life education or comprehensive sexuality education programme in schools so that adolescents can ask questions about their bodies, reproduction, myths, and anxieties.

I’m mothering a 14-year-old girl and can attest to the value of having the most basic conversations, including about sex, pregnancy, tampons, sports, pre-menstrual symptoms, pads with “wings,” period tracking, and more. Recognising this makes period poverty a youth and educational policy issue as well.

One of the first feminist organisations in Trinidad to embark on a “Safe Cycle” initiative of education and provision of dignity kids including “cotton underwear, recyclable period pads by The Lily Pads Project, sanitary pads, tampons, panty liners, heating pads and a menstrual health tracker” was Feminitt – led by young women and people all under 25 years old.

In its 2021 study, 51.5 per cent of 509 respondents found period products were not affordable. Its report recommended a “period card” which could be implemented like the Food Card programme; a sexual and reproductive health hotline to provide telemedicine for adolescents and people who menstruate who are unable to travel to a health centre; increased research on menstrual inequity; and gender responsive solutions that also acknowledge the LGBTQIA+ community and people living with a disability.

As well, Feminitt recommended “legislation that requires accessibility across various levels of state, programmes and agencies through a menstrual equity act;” collaboration among state entities and civil society in decision-making regarding solutions; menstrual health management education and training for institutions; and engaging men and boys.

Subsequently, Crown Her TT was founded by medical and legal professionals with the support of corporate sponsors and the Rotary network and has amplified Feminitt’s recommendations and outreach with its own national campaign. In its 2023 survey of 504 women, more than half found period products hard to access.

For NGOs and business partners increasingly on board, our politics and priority should be mentoring, allying, and expanding platforms for youth who are leading peer activism, such as Feminitt and other young feminist groups.

Adolescents are especially (but not only) impacted, and we want our youngest generations to be the most empowered to engage these issues and shape state implementation.

Work continues, but indeed the budget was a win for people who menstruate, girls and women.

Post 564.

EVERYDAY people are offering the political leadership that the world needs. This is how it has always been. It is a reminder of why it is important for the “small” person, as Trinidadians/Tobagonians say, to have our own vision for the present and the future; one not handed to us by those at the top.

Leaders will let us down just when we need to uphold our highest ideals, or they will delay until there is no choice, or will prioritise deals that are unethical because they are good for business or their allies. So the world turns.

We are our own hope. For example, despite censorship of every kind, Israel’s colonisation of Palestinians has remained in the headlines because people from across the world protested by the millions against the decimation being televised. These are the millions pitted against billionaires, corporate interests, the military industry, lobbyists, and state leaders.

European countries have finally begun to recognise Palestinian statehood, restrict sale of arms to Israel, and protect the flotilla sailing to Gaza to provide humanitarian assistance.

This was accelerated by popular outcry, for the unfolding horror led to mostly diplomatic statements and little real pressure or decisive action for nearly two years. Where South Africa led the way, Europe dragged its feet.

Far more visionary and committed is the Global Sumud Flotilla, the most hopeful coalition of world citizens at this moment. In Arabic, Sumud means steadfastness and resilience, and the flotilla comprises civilian boats from about 45 countries sailing to Gaza with medical supplies, food, baby formula, books, fuel, water, and more.

This, despite reported Israeli drone attacks, propaganda about Hamas funding the flotilla, and some governments’ criticisms of it.

The flotilla comprises several coalitions and is a strategy begun in 2007 to challenge the Israeli blockade. In 2010, Israeli forces confronted the Gaza Freedom Flotilla, killing activists.

Each flotilla aims to break through the blockade to deliver supplies and help directly (and not through other countries), establish a sea corridor for aid, and show solidarity with Palestinians resisting siege, starvation, annihilation, and erasure.

The flotilla approaching Gaza as you read is people-led, non-governmental, non-violent, multi-generational, and international. At ports where it stops, thousands gather to show their support, defying our separation, showing that people of the world can unite.

By contrast, state leaders are increasingly entrenching a language of borders and of us vs them. For example, it has become commonplace to adopt anti-immigrant positions and policies, suggest that migrants pose a risk to culture, religious beliefs, and ethnic composition, and associate migrants with criminality. This discourse is fuelled by the far right across the west.

Of course, this would be a bizarre argument for us to make in TT, a nation of mainly migrants, with a long history of Venezuelan settlement (beginning with indigenous peoples), and continuous cultural syncretism and evolution.

Home-grown problems of criminality are rooted in such factors as low conviction rates, lack of prison reform, illiteracy, and unemployment. Our own limited migrant settlement policies fuel the informal and illegal economy. A greater threat is US-manufactured guns flooding the region. We shouldn’t import divisive language that distracts attention from these.

There has also long been billionaire- and oil and gas industry-financed delegitimising of the global movement to stop man-made, fossil fuel climate destruction.

Such destruction, of course, makes mincemeat of the idea of borders, such as between developed and developing countries. All of us will suffer, whether from drought, floods, sea-level rise or other predicted outcomes, with the poorest in developing countries suffering most.

Climate activists are world citizens invested in our single, integrated future. They are hardly just from developed countries. This dismisses decades of organising by everyday folk from Africa, India, Latin America, the Caribbean, and the Pacific region.

They are hardly force-feeding an unjust climate agenda, blackmailing developing countries into co-operation, or weaponising access to financial systems, media platforms, new technologies, and development funding. This would be laughable were it not so Orwellian.

Fossil capitalism is an obsolete model in which we are stuck, it is true, but it is unbalanced and unreasonable for oil and gas giants, whose empires cross borders, to reap billions while our very existence is at stake.

Everyday people, connected across countries and regions, have spent decades building recognition that we are one multispecies planetary ecosystem and one world in which borders matter less than solidarity against injustice.

We, not statespeople, are championing what we actually need. This is exactly what our politics should be.

Post 564.

BOTH primary and secondary schools have become places where children fear peer violence and where teachers fear students, increasingly believing that they do not have the capacity to part fights or intervene in conflicts without becoming victims themselves.

Numerous newspaper articles over the last decade document these growing feelings and worsening conditions. Teachers began reporting fear because gang activity and warring factions in communities were exacerbating threats, bullying, and fights between children.

Teachers spoke of being cursed by students, splashed with urine and dirty water, and pelted with stones, pieces of concrete blocks, furniture, and garbage. Students reported injuries of varying levels of severity from a range of weapons, from scissors to knives. From Port of Spain to Penal, newspapers are full of stories of teachers, parents and students desperately calling for safe schools, but feeling that these fears and concerns were not taken seriously.

This brings us to today, when both immediate and long-term solutions are necessary.

How did we get here? The increase in societal violence inevitably became mirrored in our children’s lives. At the same time, one can point to a thousand specific policy failures – from the last government’s (and particularly the finance minister’s) refusal to sufficiently finance the Citizen Security Programme which was promoting peacebuilding and gang intervention in nearly 100 communities, to the paucity of social workers and guidance counsellors for schools. There are many state agencies and service providers doing excellent work. All will tell you that need far exceeds capacity to respond.

Well-known problems exist in children’s lives, from trauma in families directly impacted by community violence and a spiralling murder rate to about 4,000 children each year comprising child abuse statistics which are dominated by neglect and sexual abuse, the latter particularly among girls. Nearly 10,000 women apply each year for orders of protection. What is the well-being of these children?

When the previous minister of education refused to approve revisions to the Health and Family Life curricula to begin to address gender-based violence, I asked her what the government’s prevention strategy was – she said they would deal with issues of violence as perpetrated or experienced by children on a case-by-case basis. The rest was a closed door. It is important to know just how we reached.

Now that we are here, we are divided between those desperate for security at any cost and those eternally advocating for longer-term restorative and trauma-informed strategies, which must also include addressing harmful gender ideals. State policy, particularly regarding children, makes most sense when it reflects evidence of best practices. Having armed police in schools is a policy decision that doesn’t rest on such compelling evidence.

Indeed, as UNICEF observed in a 2023 working paper on armed and urban violence in Latin America and the Caribbean, police may be perceived “by children and adolescents as a very real threat to their lives and well-being, and that of their families.”

In 2018, I reviewed peacebuilding approaches in six Caribbean countries, with a focus on women and youth. UNICEF’s Child Friendly School Initiative, rolled out across the region, and Jamaica’s Peace Management Initiative moved away from putative measures of discipline. Restore Belize’s approach included a social worker engaging directly with the caregiver of a child, doing home visits twice a month or more, participating in family meetings; conducting parenting classes; and doing school visits. This is what it takes.

There was also an early intervention system for primary schools to identify at-risk children; train teachers to recognise family, health, neglect, hunger, literacy and abuse problems; and to respond through relationship-building so that schools recognise the stress children are experiencing and can become more compassionate, trauma-sensitive, and focused on overall well-being, rather than just discipline. As well, programmes across the region reported that children desire a feeling of being loved. This is echoed by the TTPS Hearts and Minds initiative and police youth clubs. Imagine. What they need is love.

There are a myriad of established Caribbean initiatives, and significant local expertise. No need to reinvent the wheel. The challenge in transformative approaches is always will and financing.

Yesterday, I listened to a breakfast radio host assert that there is an ideology that does not want to see schools improve – whether that is because of race, religion, geography or class or something more sinister in the government wasn’t clear, but such conjecture is dangerous and a result of poor communication about government strategy – if indeed there is one and, sooner rather than later, there should be.

Post 563.

To justify US air and naval forces in and around the Southern Caribbean, US propaganda is pendulum-swinging between, on the one hand, the threat of Venezuelan drug cartels to the US and, on the other, Venezuela’s threat to Guyana.

No one seriously believes that a nuclear-powered fast attack submarine is part of a strategy to combat “narco-terrorism.” In contrast, it is long established that the US is gunning for regime change in Venezuela, first in relation to Hugo Chavez and now Nicolás Maduro.

In his first 24 hours, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio spoke with Maduro-opposition María Corina Machado and Edmundo González Urrutia to express such support.

Wayne Kublalsingh, in his August 23 column, correctly assessed how a sound bite link between President Maduro and a transnational crime bogeyman is now being conveniently manufactured.

There is a long read from May 2, 2022 published by the US think tank Insight Crime, titled Beyond the Cartel of the Suns, that paints a more complex picture than recent headlines.

An August 1, 2025 revisit of this analysis, titled US Sanctions Mischaracterize Venezuela’s Cartel of the Suns, again debunks the narrative that drug smuggling and addiction are an ideological weapon to “poison” and overpower the United States.

Which brings us to Guyana. At a press conference on August 14, Rubio said, “The (Nicolas) Maduro regime is not a government, it’s not a legitimate government, we have never recognised them as such. They are a criminal enterprise that basically has taken control of national territory of a country and who, by the way, are also threatening US oil companies that are operating lawfully in Guyana.”

This “by the way” is the real story.

Rubio has repeatedly threatened Venezuela if it “were to attack Guyana or attack ExxonMobil.” Though it is not the only oil company there, Guyana is ExxonMobil’s as much as the country was dominated by the British sugar giant Bookers in the 19th century.

As Ben Jacob put it, in a January 20, 2025 piece in the New Internationalist, “life-and-death decisions for the colony’s population were made from a boardroom in London.” Today, they are made in Houston and Washington.

For example, as far back as April 13, 2019, The Grayzone reported that the Washington DC-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) held a closed-door and unreported meeting with military officials, Trump circles, USAID, and opposition supporters on “Assessing the Use of Military Force in Venezuela.”

This was before Maduro escalated the border conflict between Venezuela and Guyana in 2023.

Guyana’s President Irfaan Ali also drummed up support for an aggressive US engagement with the region in a discussion with CSIS in July 2022.

In a CSIS publication on March 5, 2025, titled “What is the Significance of Venezuela’s Naval Incursion into Guyana,” the analysis is clear. Concerns are over “Guyana’s oil operations” being, “at the mercy of Venezuela’s armed forces,” and the risk of “destabilising the region and imperilling global energy markets — outcomes that Washington is unlikely to look upon positively.”

As an aside, in July 2025, Chevron, an oil company with a long relationship with Venezuela, finally acquired Hess, which has a stake in Guyana’s lucrative Stabroek Block. Both ExxonMobil and Chevron fund the CSIS.

Gunships are not here to help TT fight crime or help Guyana defend Essequibo for the sake of the Caribbean, as our cherished “zone of peace.” They are here to confirm to us all that US profits are protected by the force of the US military.

When the British sent the warship, the HMS Trent, to Guyana in December 2023, it was not accompanied by the same rhetoric as Rubio’s though its presence was received as defence of Guyana and provocation to Venezuela.

But, in a post-cold war, neoliberal, fossil-fuel ravenous world, would Guyana matter if there was no black gold?

The TT government didn’t need to so plainly parrot US think tank/CIA speak.

Nonetheless, it makes sense for us to show political solidarity with Guyana and stave off possible tariffs that could come as punishment for refusing US access to Trinidadian territory.

Meanwhile, small, divided and insufficiently focusing our analysis on Big Oil’s long-contemplated strategy, we throw words at each other nationally and regionally.

I believe in a strong stance against all militarism and US military penetration of the Caribbean, and that the Yankees should go home, but the realpolitik is that even as we speak out – as we must – both the US and ExxonMobil are Goliaths whose agendas trump our own.

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